
By TOMMY BEVERIDGE
Thought experiment. What if the United States had a vast network of primary care-oriented non-profit health clinics? Imagine if there were, say, 17,000 locations in the most needed corners of our country? What if these clinics had to see everyone, had to offer a sliding fee scale for their services, and be run by boards comprised of a patient majority? Just for fun, what if they also provided dental and behavioral health services, worked with local social programs, and helped coordinate with specialists and hospitals? Couldn’t that be a solid cornerstone for primary care-centric health reform?
Stop dreaming, say the skeptics. Stick to reality. It is real. Sometimes called Federally Qualified Health Centers, America’s Community Health Center (CHC) program is the usual source of care for 34 million people, or around 9% of the country. That’s a lot of people, and yet they have a fairly low public profile outside healthcare circles. One reason is that most people who go to a CHC don’t know it’s a CHC. It’s just the local clinic. It’s just their doctor. It’s not another government program to complain about. If you have a problem, you talk to the management, who are also your neighbors.
Of course, it’s also a government program. The federal government gives CHCs annual operating grants, prospective payments for Medicare and Medicaid, subsidized malpractice insurance, physician incentives, and host of other benefits in exchange for following strict program requirements. While the program operates under the standard writhing mass of legislation, regulation, guidance, and program oversight, the patient’s perspective is simply affordable, local health care with minimal complexity.
Where did all this come from? The Community Health Center Program originated with little fanfare around the same time as Medicare and Medicaid. It fit in neatly and discretely with President Johnson’s War on Poverty; little more than a demonstration project alongside the era’s far more massive reforms. From the beginning, program leadership understood the moral and political imperatives to serve all underserved communities, no matter the demographic. The first two CHCs opened in 1966 in the Mississippi Delta and in a low-income part of Boston. With a sample size of two, they were already urban and rural, black and white, north and south.
By 1980, CHCs served around 1 million people a year. By the end of the Reagan era, they served 5 million. By the end of George W. Bush’s second term, it was 18 million. During the struggles over the Affordable Care Act and COVID, CHCs continued their expansion with funding reauthorizations, even when other programs were cut. At 34 million patients, the program costs the federal government around $6 billion a year, not including reimbursements from insurance plans. There are many more CHC locations than there are McDonald’s.
The CHC program is also a movement. This dual status is the program’s secret to growing despite shifting political winds. CHCs have a deep bench of community advocates. A well-organized network of interested citizens is trained to interact with their state and federal representatives, demonstrating that they are a viable voting bloc not to be trifled with. Today, CHCs have affiliate state associations, more than one independent advocacy group, and an army of concerned citizens ready to show up at the Capitol and statehouses across the land.
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